Date: 7 December 2025 Author: David Plášek

Non-surprise, Yet Wrapped in a Riddle? Results of Czech Parliamentary Elections 2025

At the beginning of October, the 9th general election to the lower house of the Czech Republic’s parliament (the Chamber of Deputies) took place. The election was a record in many respects – it had the highest voter turnout in this century (since 1998) and at the same time, in a nominal sense, the historically largest number of citizens participated.

Photo: Martin Krchnacek/Unsplash

The overall winner, the party ANO, received the highest total number of votes for a single party in the history of the independent Czech Republic – 1,940,507 citizens voted for it. It was also the first election in which it was possible for the voters to use postal voting, and to identify themselves through electronic documents. The largest ever proportion of women was elected, with 67 female deputies, for the first time exceeding a third of all members of the lower chamber.^[1] ^[2]

As for the overall results, the following can be stated – the vote went as expected with regard to the main winner ANO and the defeat of the coalition SPOLU, but almost all other results did not correspond to pre-election estimates and brought many surprises that are influencing the formation of the new government and which will impact Czech politics as a whole in the coming months.

The main characteristics of these elections can be described as follows:

The ability of the ANO movement to suck up the votes of all other anti-government and protest parties and its subsequent landslide victory in these elections
The impact of high voter turnout on the overall result
The failure of the current five-party government coalition (especially the SPOLU group), which is clearly heading towards opposition, even though its parties received more votes and percentages overall than in the previous elections, which they won.
The surprising failure of the post-communist and pro-Russian group STAČILO!, which narrowly missed the electoral threshold
The unexpected success of the Motorists party

As can be seen in Figure 1, six entities will be represented in the lower chamber, in the order according to the election results those are namely:

ANO – center-right catch-all party led by the second richest Czech Andrej Babiš (before elections was in the opposition);
SPOLU – a coalition formed by the merger of three parties: 1) the liberal-conservative party ODS with its leader and current Prime Minister Petr Fiala, 2) a socially liberal and economically right-wing party of urban voters TOP09, and 3) the Christian Democratic Party KDU-ČSL (before elections was in the government);
STAN– its name stands in Czech for “Mayors and Independents” and it is a center-right liberal party focused on localism and regionalism (before elections in the government);
Pirates – progressive and socially strongly liberal (before elections was in the government);*^[3]
SPD – is an anti-EU and anti-NATO, nationalistic, and anti-immigrant party, which is also economically rather on the left (before elections was in the opposition);
Motorists – it represents economic hard right combined with refusal of green deal and other EU environmental policies, inter alia demanding balanced budget (it is the only new party in the lower chamber).^[4]

Figure 1 – Results of the elections 2025 (percentage of the votes and seats in the lower chamber)

^[5](grey columns represent the parties’ results in the previous election in 2021)

Landslide victory of the opposition’s ANO and defeat of the government coalition SPOLU

As mentioned above, the main winner of the elections was undoubtedly the ANO movement and its leader – former Prime Minister and businessman Andrej Babiš – with a total of 34.5% of the votes cast. After four years in opposition, the electoral success will most likely return him to the government benches. ANO won 80 seats in the 200-member Chamber of Deputies, equaling the past record for the highest number of deputies for a single party. This final result for ANO is even better than the already optimistic recent polls showed for it, and it once again seems to have prove that ANO is very capable of ‘pulling in’ large proportion of anti-government and generally protest votes at the expense of smaller and more anti-system parties, just as it has done in the past with supporters of the Czech Communist Party and Social Democrats. Unlike its opponents from the current governing coalition, ANO was also able to retain the vast majority of its voters from the previous elections.^[6]

ANO did not resort to extreme rhetoric in the election campaign (namely meaning anti-EU and anti-NATO rhetorics, which were demonstrated by STAČILO! and SPD), thus retaining centrist voters. In addition, at the end of the campaign, ANO focused mainly on the financial situation of the Czech Republic’s population and promised to improve the economy. The most important issue of the election for potential SPD and STAČILO! voters was getting rid of the current center-right government of Petr Fiala, rather than trying to influence the country’s foreign policy. Therefore, those voters apparently decided to eventually give their vote to Andrej Babiš and ANO. Babiš was perceived as the main challenger to Prime Minister Fiala, and the only one capable of guaranteeing change.^[7] The combination of these factors led to a record victory for ANO.

ANO’s biggest rival, the three-way coalition SPOLU, which formed the current government cabinet with two other parties (Pirates and STAN), received only 23.4% of the votes, which in real terms means that it has lost almost 200,000 individual voters since the last elections. That happened despite the large mobilization campaign by SPOLU from the last months. The total number of votes by which it lags behind ANO has actually exceeded all estimates. SPOLU has evidently failed to mobilize all its potential supporters, which was its main and publicly declared goal for these elections. The bloc of the former coalition SPOLU, Pirates and STAN together won 43.4% of the votes, which is a similar gain to the 2021 parliamentary elections (which they won), and even surpassed it in absolute number of votes. Their significantly lower gain in parliamentary seats this year was mainly determined by the concentration of votes on the opposition side and higher voter turnout.^[8] Moreover, voter turnout increased the most in poorer regions. The parties of the former five-party coalition are hitting a ceiling in the socio-economically less developed areas, where they together receive max 30% of the vote.^[9]

When it comes to the issues and the evaluation of the outgoing government’s performance, economic topics resonated mainly during the elections. The austerity policies of Petr Fiala’s cabinet led to public dissatisfaction. According to most Czechs, the governing coalition failed to effectively address high inflation, which became one of the main issues of the elections. Stagnant wages and an escalating housing crisis contributed to a sense of economic distress and voter alienation, which was reflected in the overall result.^[10] On the contrary, the economic situation was hardly mentioned in the SPOLU campaign. Paradoxically, it was the chairman of the largest government party ODS, Petr Fiala, who based the victorious 2021 elections campaign on economic topics (he accented mainly the high prices allegedly caused by Babiš).^[11]

This year, SPOLU constantly emphasized the slogan “We belong to the West, not the East” in the campaign, pointing to the current geopolitical situation in Europe. However, according to analyses, voters did not react to this much; they were mainly interested in their own economic situation, which in their opinion has rather worsened in the last two years. In the post-election survey, 44 percent of those questioned expressed this opinion, only 19 percent considered their economic situation to be better. For the rest, the situation did not change. The deterioration was felt especially by pensioners and women of middle age and above. However, the SPOLU coalition, i.e. ODS, TOP 09 and KDU-ČSL, built its campaign on an alleged fight against forces that want to direct the Czech Republic towards the East. This turned out to be a wrong strategy. SPOLU completely put the defense of its own economic policy on the back burner. Paradoxically, with its constant appeal, it was able to play into the hands of the ANO movement and its leader Andrej Babiš. In the eyes of most voters, Babiš, unlike the more radical STAČILO! and SPD, did not become a threat in the sense that he could change the country’s geopolitical orientation. At the same time, it was actually only SPD and STAČILO! voters who would have voted in their majority for leaving the European Union. That is why the SPOLU campaign, which ultimately opposed a mere minority opinion, was not very effective, and voters apparently sensed this.^[12]

SPOLU has weakened significantly in the lower chamber, instead of the original 71 deputies, they will have 52 deputies. ODS has 27 mandates compared to the previous 34; KDU-ČSL has 16 mandates compared to the previous 23; and TOP 09 has nine mandates compared to the previous 14. Although at first glance it may seem that all three parties forming the SPOLU coalition have lost a similar percentage of mandates, in reality this is not the case. Although there are no current surveys publicly available that would estimate the gains of these three political parties if they had run separately, general figures can still be inferred from the latest available surveys (over a year old). TOP 09 and KDU-ČSL have long had voter support of around 2–4%, with almost zero chance of entering the Chamber of Deputies, let alone with the prospect of more than 10 mandates. It is difficult to assume that the ratio of voter support has changed significantly in favor of KDU-ČSL and TOP 09. It is only thanks to the SPOLU coalition that KDU-ČSL and TOP 09 not only got over the painful 5% electoral threshold in this election, but they also gained – from the logic of coalition cooperation – several highly electable seats for their party members on the coalition’s ballot. Most importantly, the system of preferential voting helped to push more candidates of KDU-ČSL and TOP 09 to the lower chamber at the expense of those nominated by ODS. (In the current voting system, voters must choose one political party/coalition to vote for, but can use up to four preferential votes for particular candidates of that party/coalition, which affects the final order of the candidates on the party list.)^[13] It is understandable that several members of the largest party within SPOLU, i.e. ODS, were left disillusioned by the results of their individual candidates compared to those of the two smaller parties, which will likely be reflected in their future non/cooperation.^[14] SPOLU failed to repeat what happened in the previous elections – when its parties were able to jointly strengthen each other. KDU-ČSL is strong in the eastern regions, TOP 09 in Prague, and ODS in the rest of the country. In 2021, it worked and everyone was ultimately successful in their key regions, as well as the coalition as a whole. This year, the christian-democratic KDU-ČSL managed to get even more of its candidates to the parliament at the expense of those nominated by ODS than the last time, especially in many regions of Moravia (conservative south-east of the country), while at the same time this did not help the overall gain of SPOLU as a whole.^[15]

Despite all of this, it is remarkable how small the difference in the election result of SPOLU is when compared to the previous elections. In 2021, it won over 27 percent of the vote, and this year, after four years of government responsibility, it won over 23 percent of the vote. Once, it meant a clear victory, the second time a clear defeat. The difference was influenced by high voter turnout and a decrease in the number of so-called forfeited votes. The last parliamentary elections in 2021 were remarkable in that 1,069,359 votes were wasted. In other words, more than a million voters voted for parties that ultimately did not make it to the Chamber of Deputies. These were mainly voters of communists and anti-system parties. Thanks to this, the Czech Republic had a government of pro-EU center-right parties for the following four years. However, this year, only a little over 500,000 votes were wasted, and this helped all anti-government parties achieve better overall results.^[16]

Extremely high voter turnout and its impact on the election outcome

As many as 68.95% of eligible people turned out to vote, significantly more than four years ago, when 65.4% of voters came to the polls. However, it did not rise equally everywhere. Turnout rose the most in less developed regions, the least in Prague and large cities. The increase in turnout was higher in regions with lower overall incomes, less qualified workforce, a higher level of destabilizing poverty, and socially excluded locations. People from the most economically disadvantaged areas therefore participated more than usual, even though the gap in turnout compared to richer regions persists. All of this played into the hands of the opposition (and generally protest) parties.^[17]

Parties were still competing for a third of all voters, i.e. those undecided ones, in the last week before the parliamentary elections, according to a survey by the NMS agency.^[18] The finish of the campaign was mainly successful for the Motorists, whose voters hesitated with their preferences for a long time. The opposition, led by ANO, managed to mobilize a significant part of citizens who usually tend not to go to the elections. The ANO movement strengthened across the entire country with no exceptions – from east to west and from cities to villages alike. In less socio-economically developed regions, its support jumped by 9.7%, while in more developed areas it grew by only 6.3%.^[19]

Relative success of the outgoing government parties Pirates and STAN

The Pirate party and STAN ran together in a coalition under the name PirStan in the previous elections. But after STAN candidates completely ousted their Pirate colleagues from parliament in those elections using the preferential vote system, and the resulting dispute subsequently broke up their coalition, it became clear that they would no longer run together this year. (After the 2021 elections, it became clear that the STAN Movement had broken the agreement with the Pirates by asking voters to give preferential votes to STAN candidates. This led to the election of only 4 Pirates and 33 from STAN MPs and undermined trust in their coalition cooperation.) Despite being part of the government cabinet with SPOLU, both parties ultimately achieved higher results this year than when they ran together – STAN received 11.23% of the vote and Pirates 8.97%. They ranked third and fourth overall. This is a significant success for the Pirate Party in particular, as they managed to quadruple their number of MPs. This success of Pirates was precisely the main reason why the parties ending the five-party government coalition received together more votes and percentages than in the previous elections, even though they formed the government in 2021, and now are heading into opposition. The new leadership of the Pirate Party was thus able to stop its fall – according to surveys from the beginning of 2025, it was not even certain of entering parliament, and in addition, it was criticized for the failed digitalization of construction management by its ministers during its government engagement. The Pirate Party’s successful result is probably due to the departure of some voters from the SPOLU coalition, for which, however, choosing any of the non-governmental parties is out of the question, and therefore they were left with only the Pirates or STAN as their options.

STAN’s result cannot be clearly described as successful or unsuccessful. Although the party remained in double digits, it lost 11 mandates. This was partly due to STAN running independently and some of its voters defecting to its former Pirates partners. However, apart from this group, most of STAN supporters from the previous elections remained loyal to the party.^[20]

The failure of the party STAČILO!

The biggest surprise of these elections, and at the same time their biggest loser, is generally considered to be the STAČILO! movement. STAČILO! (meaning in Czech literally ‘Enough!’) has long been profiled as economically far-left, is in favor of exiting the EU and NATO, and is often directly pro-Kremlin in its statements. It incorporated many different and anti-systemic currents of Czech politics, from former social democrats and communists (who personally make up the majority of this group) to popular anti-government bloggers and regional quasi-secessionists (the Moravian Party). STAČILO! publicly declared a double-digit result as its election goal, and most analysts considered this goal to be more-or-less realistic. The leaders of this party ambitiously and systematically pursued this aim and were the most active anti-government movement on Czech political scene through their presence and promotion on social networks. Unlike the Motorists, political scientists and journalists considered its participation in the future government coalition to be almost certain. This caused great nervousness, especially in that part of the public that supports the ruling five-party coalition, because the openly anti-Ukrainian rhetorics of STAČILO! representatives foreshadowed a significant turn in Czech foreign and security policy in the event of their entry into the Chamber of Deputies, because parliamentary mathematics indicated that the deputies from STAČILO! would be indispensable for the formation of the ANO government. In such a case, their influence would necessarily influence the otherwise relatively moderate views of ANO on this issue. Despite all estimates, however, this did not happen in the end and STAČILO! surprisingly remained outside the gates of the Chamber of Deputies with a result of 4.5% (the clause for entry into the lower chamber is 5%). This was apparently caused by two main influences. Firstly, the ANO party once again demonstrated its ability to pull in the votes of other anti-government entities. In the past, the same thing happened with the Czech Social Democrats and the Communist Party, whose majority of voters, according to analyses, switched to ANO. It seems that many people voting against the government ultimately decided in the following logic – why vote for the smaller partner of the largest opposition party in a situation where this smaller party itself openly and repeatedly declares that its goal is to enable ANO to form the next government – when it is available to vote for the main opposition party directly. Many potential voters STAČILO! ultimately proceeded according to this logic.^[21] The data shows a strong negative correlation: where ANO grew, the bloc of anti-system parties fell. The second major influence was the exceptionally high voter turnout (68.95%), which changed the overall results in a drastic way. It was the high turnout that pushed the five percent threshold to a higher nominal number of voters. According to post-election calculations, for example, a voter turnout of 62% with the same number of votes received by STAČILO! would have been enough to overcome that party and enter parliament. However, since the turnout was so significantly higher, STAČILO! did not manage to win any deputies, and so Andrej Babiš’s future government will ultimately be formed under surprising conditions. The role of the anti-system party eventually passed from STAČILO! to SPD and, to some extent, to the Motorists.^[22]

Motorists’ success

The Motorists are among the winners of this year’s elections, having surpassed all expectations and finally gaining 6.8% of the vote and entering the Chamber of Deputies. The Motorists have strongly eurosceptic positions, but unlike SPD and STAČILO!, they do not advocate a referendum on leaving the EU. Their support does not correlate with destabilizing poverty or the socio-economic development of the regions, it was successful in all regions throughout the country.^[23] It is a party combining the sentiment of traditional right-wing politics that dominated the Czech Republic in the 1990s with the euphoria of Donald Trump’s wave of conservatism, with the environment of the manosphere and charisma of their informal leader and influencer Filip Turk. This peculiar car racer and YouTuber will move from the European Parliament to the Chamber of Deputies after more than a year, having led the Motorists’ candidate list in the Central Bohemian Region. In total, Motorists won thirteen mandates and represent an absolutely indispensable force for ANO in order to form a government majority in the parliament. They will very likely become an internal part of the future government with the declared goal of pulling the rather unanchored ANO to the right-wing policies. Motorists’ voting support came mainly from outside large cities with a noticeable concentration in places with high employment in local car factories.^[24]

The overall result of the parliamentary elections was really fundamentally influenced by the fact that the Motorists exceeded the five percent threshold. If they had turned out like STAČILO!, the cabinet of Prime Minister Petr Fiala could have thought about ruling for another four years.^[25]

Poor results of SPD

Although this fact has not been included in many post-election analyses, it should be emphasized that the nationalistic and anti-european SPD has also weakened significantly and is therefore among the losers of these elections. This party ended up with five percentage points less than the latest pre-election polls indicated. The main reasons tend to be similar to those that weakened STAČILO!, i.e. the departure of their voters to ANO and the general overpressure of parties seeking the votes of the country’s protest and anti-government populace. The first post-election surveys have already shown more specific numbers – ANO has apparently managed to attract up to a quarter of those who voted for SPD last time around. The decrease in its percentage points was also due to the high voter turnout, because SPD, as a relatively radical movement, has a specific limit on how many people are prepared to vote for it. Unlike STAČILO!, however, SPD is an entity that has been represented in parliament already for several election periods. The gain of 7.78 percent was the worst for that party out of all three parliamentary elections in which it participated.

It is a certain paradox that SPD can ultimately gain the largest political power it ever had from the worst result in its existence. Andrej Babiš’s ANO cannot do without it in order to reach the majority in the lower chamber for its upcoming government. SPD could soon occupy not only the Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies, the third highest constitutional position in the country, but also likely multiple ministerial posts. However, a warning for them may be the fate of the Czech Communist Party, which supported the second ANO government in 2017, and paid for it with the rest of its voter support and now essentially no longer exists.^[26] ^[27]

Implications for creating of the new

Although the elections turned out as expected in terms of their absolute winner and the alternation of government and opposition, their results contain a larger number of partial specific surprises (as described above). It is precisely their combination that significantly shuffled the cards of the expected post-election events, and which ultimately led to the fact that it was not entirely clear for weeks what the future government coalition would exactly look like. The specific impact on the former government camp is not known either. In particular, the absence of STAČILO! In the parliament, the successful result of Motorists, and the much stronger independent position of ANO than estimated composed a riddle that is still affecting not only the formation of the new government, but which will fundamentally affect all Czech politics in the coming years.

Given the eventual results, the most likely scenario was clearly the formation of a coalition of ANO with SPD and Motorists, which together would make up a majority of 108 MPs out of 200, and whose negotiations were already in full swing since the first hours after the results were known. ANO chairman Mr. Babiš himself has called this the target option and the other two parties also publicly agreed with it. ANO, however, had to adapt to the unexpected realities for them, e. g. such as the fact that the successful Motorists are ultimately an important partner who, according to their statements, really intend to influence the future government’s program to head in a more right-wing direction, which complicates ANO’s plans for greater spending in the social sphere. Motorists also have much more leverage to use to push their own controversial members for ministerial positions, who ANO would otherwise likely refuse due to its fear that it could cause conflict with the president (who chooses the person he entrusts with forming of the government) and who have significantly different views than ANO on many important international issues. On the other hand, SPD’s position is weaker than polls showed, so the question is how much power it will truly have in the new government, and it was also not clear for a long time whether it will send its members to it or just nominate so-called independent experts. Even after weeks since the election, answers to some of these questions are still not known completely. Despite all of that, the three parties in question did sign a coalition agreement in the first week of November. Consequently, SPD’s chairman Tomio Okamura was elected the speaker of the lower chamber as a part of the new coalition’s dividing positions of power. Nevertheless, the issue of specific names of ministers and their resorts, including what party they will be from, was very hazy for another three weeks. Last week, a list of candidates was finally revealed, yet it still keeps on changing in some cases. The new coalition is thus currently mainly working out the individual ministerial candidates and it also awaits the actions of the president, which could cause that they will have to change the candidates again. (Especially in the case of the Motorists, such forced changes then could also cause a dispute within the to-be coalition). Due to the aforementioned difficulties, the new coalition is not born easily and its future specific modus operandi and, in some cases, manning remain partially hazy still. Most importantly, it is still completely unclear when the parliament will finally get to vote on the new government’s confidence. At the moment, it seems that it is not a matter of days and perhaps not even weeks.^[28] ^[29]

Conclusion

The main change compared to the previous elections in 2021 is a significant increase in support for the ANO movement, which won and will thus form the new government. ANO has pulled voters away from anti-system and other anti-government parties, especially in socio-economically disadvantaged regions. At the same time, the number of wasted votes has decreased because of this. The biggest paradox of these elections is the fact that the current five-party government coalition is ending, even though its parties together received 100,000 more votes than in the previous elections in which they won decisively. In general, votes have been clearly redistributed within the two main voting blocs (opposition parties and government parties) towards the larger parties within them, also probably due to greater public attention paid to the media duels of prominent leaders Petr Fiala (SPOLU) and Andrej Babiš (ANO). SPOLU suffered the consequences of the general society’s disillusionment with the economic situation and of its low support in poorer regions, where voter turnout has also increased significantly.^[30] The results confirm that regional development and poverty levels significantly influence Czech voters’ attitudes. Last but not least, the results showed that Czechs refused the most anti-EU and anti-NATO political entities, which in the form of STAČILO! failed to get to the parliament, and in the case of SPD was significantly weakened.

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^[1] Český statistický úřad (2025) Volby do Poslanecké sněmovny Parlamentu České republiky konané ve dnech 3.–4. 10. 2025. Available at: https:.//www.volby.cz/app/ps2025/cs/results (Accessed: 29 October 2025).

^[2] Český statistický úřad (2025) Jmenné seznamy a přehledy, Volby do Poslanecké Sněmovny Parlamentu české republiky. Available at: https://www.volby.cz/app/ps2025/cs/name-lists (Accessed: 29 October 2025).

^[3] Pirates actually left the coalition after a dispute with other government parties in September 2024, yet they kept on supporting the cabinet in the parliament

^[4] Programy do voleb (2025) Vybrané strany, hnutí a koalice. Available at: https://programydovoleb.cz/rejstrik (Accessed: 29 October 2025).

^[5] Czechia Elects (2025)., X (formerly Twitter). Available at: https://x.com/CzechiaElects/status/1974874838159503693/photo/1 (Accessed: 29 October 2025), and authors own creation

^[6] Česká televize (2025) Hnutí Ano Ovládlo Všechny kraje kromě prahy – 4. října – události: česká televize, Úvodní stránka České televize. Available at: https://www.ceskatelevize.cz/porady/1097181328-udalosti/225411000101004/cast/1142262/ (Accessed: 29 October 2025). .

^[7] Šopfová, K. (2025) Exkluzivní Průzkum: Fialova Vláda Dojela Na Nespokojené Voliče. Z účasti těžili Motoristé – Novinky, Novinky.cz. Available at: https://www.novinky.cz/clanek/volby-do-poslanecke-snemovny-exkluzivni-pruzkum-fialova-vlada-dojela-na-nespokojene-volice-z-ucasti-tezili-motoriste-40543264 (Accessed: 27 October 2025).

^[8] Míček, T. (2025) Koalice Spolu Vyčerpala SVŮJ potenciál. co čeká V Budoucnu Její členy?, Reflex.cz. Available at: https://www.reflex.cz/clanek/analyza/132651/koalice-spolu-vycerpala-svuj-potencial-co-ceka-v-budoucnu-jeji-cleny.html (Accessed: 27 October 2025).

^[9] Senková, Z. (2025) Socioložka Tabery: Volbám Dominovala Ekonomická a geopolitická Témata. Programy UŽ Nejsou Svatý Grál. Available at: https://www.irozhlas.cz/volby/sociolozka-tabery-volbam-dominovala-ekonomicka-a-geopoliticka-temata-programy-uz_2510231247_epo (Accessed: 29 October 2025).

^[10] Stuchlík, J. (2025) Ano vysálo Antisystémové Strany. Pětikoalice Naráží na Malou Podporu v chudších mikroregionech, KDE Navíc Vzrostla účast, PAQ research. Available at: https://www.paqresearch.cz/post/ano-vysalo-antisystemove-strany-petikoalice-narazi-na-malou-podporu-v-chudsich-mikroregionech-kde-navic-vzrostla-ucast/ (Accessed: 29 October 2025).

^[11] Svorník, P. (2025) Exkluzivní Průzkum: Kampaň Spolu vůbec Netrefila Cíl, Volby Rozhodla Peněženka – Novinky, Novinky.cz. Available at: https://www.novinky.cz/clanek/volby-do-poslanecke-snemovny-exkluzivni-pruzkum-kampan-spolu-vubec-netrefila-cil-volby-rozhodla-penezenka-40544460 (Accessed: 29 October 2025).

^[12] Vainert, L. (2025) ANO vyhrálo volby a nad Českem se rozjasnilo. Bude optimismus motorem ekonomiky?, Hospodářské noviny. Available at: https://archiv.hn.cz/c1-67805610-ano-vyhralo-volby-a-nad-ceskem-se-rozjasnilo-bude-optimismus-motorem-ekonomiky (Accessed: 29 October 2025).

^[13] Český statistický úřad (2025) Rozdělení mandátů stranám, Volby do Poslanecké Sněmovny Parlamentu české republiky. Available at: https://www.volby.cz/app/ps2025/cs/name-lists (Accessed: 29 October 2025).

^[14] Míček, T. (2025) Koalice Spolu Vyčerpala SVŮJ potenciál. co čeká V Budoucnu Její členy?, Reflex.cz. Available at: https://www.reflex.cz/clanek/analyza/132651/koalice-spolu-vycerpala-svuj-potencial-co-ceka-v-budoucnu-jeji-cleny.html (Accessed: 27 October 2025).

^[15] Křovák, J. (2025) Volby v Praze Jako výhled na komunálky 2026: Spolu Kleslo, Piráti, Stan a ano narostli, Echo24.cz. Available at: https://www.echo24.cz/a/Hj2yi/zpravy-domaci-volby-praha-komunalni-volby-2026-spolu-stan-pirati-ano-porovnani (Accessed: 27 October 2025).

^[16] Kubita, J. (2025) Proč Babiš vyhrál a Fiala prohrál? Voliči ANO byli letos chytřejší, na rozdíl od vládních politiků, Hospodářské noviny. Available at: https://archiv.hn.cz/c1-67796750-proc-babis-vyhral-a-fiala-prohral-volici-ano-byli-letos-chytrejsi-na-rozdil-od-vladnich-politiku (Accessed: 29 October 2025).

^[17] Horký, P. (2025) Hnutí Ano Maximálně Vytěžilo SVŮJ Potenciál. Vyplatilo se mu, že Neútočilo Na Konkurenty, Týdeník Respekt. Available at: https://www.respekt.cz/cesko/hnuti-ano-maximalne-vytezilo-svuj-potencial-vyplatilo-se-mu-ze-neutocilo-na-konkurenty (Accessed: 29 October 2025).

^[18] NMS. (2025) Volební výzkumy., NMS. Available at: https://www.respekt.cz/cesko/hnuti-ano-maximalne-vytezilo-svuj-potencial-vyplatilo-se-mu-ze-neutocilo-na-konkurenty (Accessed: 29 October 2025).

^[19]https://www.reflex.cz/clanek/analyza/132651/koalice-spolu-vycerpala-svuj-potencial-co-ceka-v-budoucnu-jeji-cleny.html

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