Focus on Families and Migration Rationalization: The Visegrad Group’s Method 

Overview

The V4 has emphasized rationalized migration in line with their labour market needs, giving local interests priority while upholding controlled channels for foreign workers, in contrast to many Western European countries with open immigration policies. Enhancing domestic employment, enforcing stringent controls on guest worker permits, and demanding firms demonstrate the lack of qualified local applicants before recruiting foreign workers are the main components of their immigration strategy. This method aims to alleviate labour shortages while protecting the requirements of the local workers, rather than simply rejecting migration. The V4’s policies seem to be a good balance between preserving the liberties and jobs of the citizens but also allowing for foreign workers in certain jobs. Through managed migration, which is a strategic response, the V4 can show their sovereignty by juggling their labour needs with their demographic problems while also introducing some of the most complex family policy schemes in Europe. After all, the V4 endorses a policy that instead of permitting open flows, immigration must be used to the advantage of the nation. 

 

V4 and the Crisis of Migration 

The V4 countries played a key role in shaping Europe’s response to the 2015 migration crisis. The V4 opposed mandated redistribution quotas because they believed they compromised their national sovereignty, despite the European Union (EU) supporting a coordinated burden-sharing strategy. The EU’s common responsibilities and member states’ rights to manage their borders are at odds, as this resistance brought to light. The V4 put national interests and border protection ahead of the more accommodating policies that many Western European countries supported, despite tremendous pressure. Millions of people arrived from neighbouring regions to the borders of the EU as the situation developed. To relieve pressure on frontline nations like Greece and Italy, the EU sought to redistribute migrants and refugees among its member states. The V4 replied, “relocation quotas are just a bunch of band-aids and not a real solution”. They worried about the social and political implications of allowing so many immigrants from such diverse backgrounds and believed that the only solution to the problem was to close off the borders to outsiders and to help the transit countries, not to impose set numbers of refugees. 

The most radical of these was Hungary, under the leadership of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who became the “poster child” for opposition to EU migration policies. To stem the tide of immigrants, the country has built border fences with Serbia and Croatia, passed draconian asylum laws, expedited procedures, and criminalized the act of crossing the border without authorization. By the end of 2015, with these policies in place, the numbers had dwindled from 7000+ a day to practically zero. But Hungary stood by its commitment to its border security, even against opposition (including condemnation from the European Court of Human Rights). In 2015, Poland’s response regarding migration has changed as well. It had first accepted the EU’s relocation plan under Prime Minister Ewa Kopacz, but the new Law and Justice (PiS) administration overturned this decision, claiming worries about cultural identity and security. Poland, on the other hand, adhered to the V4’s emphasis on national interests by concentrating on helping Ukrainian refugees since the beginning of the conflict in Ukraine in 2014. 

Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico – who is also continuously rejecting EU quotas – stressed that Slovakia cannot absorb refugees. Slovakia backed “flexible solidarity”, which allows for different forms of contribution from members, such as financial, but refused to take in immigrants under the auspices of the EU program. Slovakia shares the V4’s distaste for mandatory quotas, instead preferring to regulate labour migration. It underlined the importance of controlling external borders and the necessity for nations to determine how many migrants they could accept. 

In 2015, the V4 showed their commitment to their borders and their denial of any outside pressure to accept migrants when they banded together against the EU migration policies. Notwithstanding internal divisions – between Slovakia’s and the Czech Republic’s more moderate stances and Hungary’s more radical ones – they put up a united front against EU policies and promoted substitutes that put national sovereignty first. Their position during the 2015 crisis, which continued to place a high priority on controlled migration and border security, anticipated how they would respond to other migration-related issues, such as the inflow of Ukrainian refugees after February 2022. 

 

Pro-Family Policies in the V4 

The V4 nations have implemented extensive family policies in recent years to address demographic issues, putting family support ahead of migration to halt population decline. This group’s goal is to support and strengthen families to promote increased birth rates. Every nation has taken steps to improve family well-being and foster a conducive atmosphere for raising children, leading to philanthropic policies that are calculatedly designed to maintain populations. The most prominent one is probably the Hungarian government’s approach to combating demographic decline – which has seen the country’s population decrease from a peak of 10.7 million in 1980 – now revolves around the country’s family policy. Prime Minister Orbán has taken steps to encourage higher fertility and stronger families. Married couples who are buying houses could also be subsidized under the “family housing benefit” (CSOK) according to how many children they plan to have. Added to this are subsidies, tax breaks for bigger families, and straight-out financial support for housing, daycare, and schooling. Families with three or more children pay practically no income tax, and newlyweds get incentives. This includes maternity leave with pay, extra vacation days, and even childcare benefits. Women who have worked for 40 years can retire early to care for their grandchildren under the “Women 40” scheme. Hungary offers perks, including maternity help, to ethnic Hungarians living abroad. The long-term population loss is to be reversed, and a family-friendly atmosphere is to be promoted. 

Poland has also seen a substantial change in family policy, particularly since the implementation of the “Family 500+” initiative. Spending on family support in the state budget increased from 1.78% of GDP in 2015 to around 4% by 2020. The initiative, which was initially intended for infants born in July 2019 and was extended to all children under the age of 18 in July of this year, regardless of family income, disbursed more than PLN 72.5 billion to 6.8 million children living in 4.4 million homes. With this financial support, families can contribute to their health and education. At the start of the school year, the “Dobry Start” program offers a lump sum of PLN 300 for each child. These programs are Poland’s way of trying to boost birth rates, improve the quality of life, and reduce poverty. Slovakia has family policies to try and combat population decrease and to help working families as well. Birth prizes, parent subsidies, and child allowances are all forms of direct financial assistance. Families with several children receive additional support during maternity leave, and the “Parental Benefit” plan offers financial assistance. Slovakia also thinks that work and work-life balance are important; parents are given parental leave and flexible scheduling to help them manage their household responsibilities. These programs are very important for working mothers to be able to support their children and participate in the workforce. Slovakia also works on making general well-being better in society, encouraging population growth, and being family friendly. 

The Czech Republic has family-friendly policies, and as a result, they now have extended family support and higher birth rates. It has an extensive parental leave plan that allows parents to take months off with pay. Families have a wide variety of leave options to choose from, and the benefits can last up to four years. So that parents can work, knowing their children are being taken care of and are getting the education they need, the government provides help in the way of child allowances and tax deductions. Policies also seek to improve access to high-quality daycare. The Czech Republic prioritizes family support to address demographic issues and improve the general well-being of its population. After all, the V4 countries realize that only extensive family policies that prioritize aiding the family over immigration will ensure population growth in the long run. V4 attempts to negotiate the dilemma of migration and labour force needs and builds a foundation for a lively society by offering economic subsidies, parental assistance, and childcare support. 

 

In summary 

The Visegrad Group’s immigration policy is a strategic one, focusing more on family-oriented policies and the needs of local labour markets. The V4 nations have shown that they will defend national sovereignty as they grapple with pressing economic issues by voting down mandatory refugee quotas and endorsing controlled immigration. The V4 has created a distinctive approach for striking a balance between immigration and demographic sustainability through comprehensive family policies that aim to improve people’s well-being and encourage higher birth rates. V4 countries focus on the support of the family and a child-friendly environment to mitigate the negative long-term consequences of population decline, but with the understanding that migration must be managed and must be justified, not just an open floodgate. This dual approach reflects the V4’s commitment to the responsible handling of immigration and fostering family growth, the cornerstones of a productive future, and it sheds light on the dialogue of immigration that is currently taking place in Europe. 

 

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The “Three Seas Partnership” program is financed by the National Institute of Freedom – Center for the Development of Civil Society as part of the Government Program Civic Initiatives Fund #NOWEFIO for years 2021-2030.